December 7, 2024 12:02 IST
First published: December 7, 2024 at 11:53 IST
The night of December 3rd felt surreal to many South Koreans. At approximately 10:23 a.m. (KST), South Korean President Yoon Suk-yeol delivered a six-minute speech, declaring nationwide martial law. In his address, he accused the opposition of ‘paralyzing’ the government by impeachment, budget cuts and attacks on the constitutional system. The imposition of martial law banned all political activity, monitored the media, prohibited mass protests, and allowed arrests without warrants.
As soon as martial law was declaredThe police barricaded the entrance to the National Assembly, prompting the crowd to gather in a non-violent protest. The arrival of the Air Force further aggravated the situation, as they began to enter the National Assembly to prevent MPs from voting against the decree.
Despite the blockade and the presence of the army, with the unity of the opposition and the ruling PPP (Jana Shakti Party), all 190 MPs unanimously voted to repeal martial law by 1 am. At 4:27 a.m., President Yoon announced the lifting of martial law.
Public reaction and protest
South Korea has a “late night work culture,” where employees sometimes stay in the office until midnight. When people heard about martial law, some legislators who worked around Yeouido (the location of the National Assembly), together with university students and journalists, rushed to the National Assembly. Although the people could not directly vote to repeal martial law, they put pressure on the government through public outrage and non-violent protests, but their quickness and high civic awareness of their duty forced them to gather large crowds within minutes of the declaration of martial law. The haste of MPs cannot be ignored. DP leader Lee Jae-myung streamed live on YouTube as he jumped over the fence of the National Assembly to cast his critical vote against martial law. He has also requested citizens to gather in large numbers. Everything that happened in less than three hours played a big role in saving democracy in South Korea. A Korean engineer commented, “I think it might have been different if it happened over the weekend or if the parliament vote was delayed the next day.”
The night of December 3 also brought troubling memories to light. “The declaration of martial law was something I had only read about in history, and experiencing it first-hand was incredibly terrifying,” said one Korean employee. President Yun’s announcement brought back the nightmare of the military regime of the past. Many people reportedly stayed up all night, worried that Korea could return to the dark ages of military rule.
Korea experienced dictatorial rule from the 1960s to the 1980s. Military dictators and authoritarian leaders like Ri Singman, Park Chung-hee and Chun Doo-hwan ruled the country with an iron fist. Those dictators suppressed political freedom, stifled dissent, and restricted civil liberties. The long dictatorial regime also instilled in Koreans a strong culture of protest. For example, the 1960 April Revolution led to protests against Rhee Syngman’s martial law, which forced him to step down as president. In 1961, Park Chung-hee led a military coup and seized power. He repeatedly declared martial law and cracked down on dissidents. After Park’s assassination, Chun Doo-hwan led another military coup and ruled Korea with brutality. He became infamous for crushing the Gwangju Rebellion in 1980, a popular uprising against Chun’s rule. The trauma of military rule is so vivid among Koreans that journalists in Gwangju barricaded their newsrooms on the night of December 3.
Dictators were known for amending the constitution to stay in power for longer. Six republics have been established by amending the constitution nine times. For example, in 1954, Rhee Syngman amended the constitution to remove term limits and declare himself president for life. Similarly, Park Chung-hee’s Yushin system of governance concentrated power in an indirectly elected presidential office that was not subject to term limits. Chun Doo-hwan also used constitutional amendments to limit democratic reforms. Therefore, to prevent future democracy from retreating, South Korea adopted its current democratic constitution on 29 October 1987. Now, the president is elected by direct popular election once every five years and cannot serve more than one term.
Deeply rooted in a history of resistance against authoritarianism, South Korea’s protest culture has fostered vibrant expressions of civic participation, where citizens actively engage in marches and demonstrations. For example, thousands of Koreans protested the impeachment of former President Park Geun-hye in 2016. A desire to fight for democracy and an awareness of civil rights due to education have helped Koreans lead massive demonstrations against wrongdoing in the country. In 2024, there was a doctor’s strike, and hundreds of women protested against deep-seated crimes, now followed by Yoon impeachment demonstrations. Most protests in Korea involve chanting and chanting – symbolic tools for peaceful resistance. On December 5, approximately 2,000 people gathered in front of the National Assembly with candlelight, and the protest included live performances of popular Korean songs, with songs modified to match the protest chants.
What happens now?
People were already suspicious of President Yoon, and the declaration of martial law ultimately exacerbated his position. President Yoon is on the brink of impeachment as people call his actions “irrational” and “delusional”, supporting impeachment motions. A series of resignations have already taken place and the opposition has drafted impeachment. Furthermore, the declaration of martial law violated the sovereignty of the people and angered many who had fought tirelessly to establish democracy in South Korea.
What this entails for Korea remains to be seen. Still, the events of December 3 highlight how the shadow of long authoritarian rule lingers even in South Korea’s current democratic landscape.
The author is a PhD Scholar in Korean Studies at the Center for East Asian Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi and a Korea Foundation Fellow conducting field research in South Korea.