It was their singing that first caught my attention. Unusual for a political meeting, the singer was in tune, the lyrics soulful, though I didn’t get the Marathi lyrics. The singer, Sanjeev Sane, was a staunch trade unionist and a shrewd political strategist. Then followed a chorus, led by Sanjay MG, an engineering professor who organized a “sanskar camp” for the minority youth of Thane. The “MG” in his name stood for “Mangala Gopal” – he chose to include his mother’s name along with his father’s. Nisha Shivurkar didn’t sing, but the story of how this humble worker was “parityakta”, women “abandoned” by their husbands was music to my ears. And then there was the self-effacing determination of Vilas Bhongade, a young Dalit activist who spoke through his actions.
Exactly 30 years ago, at the inaugural conference of the Samajwadi Jan Parishad in Thane, it was my first introduction to the vibrant public life of Maharashtra. There was something special about these young political activists – a blend of idealism, ideology, energy and discipline. It was a far cry from the intense, loud and chaotic world of North Indian activism I had experienced. Despite their differences in personality and expression, these activists seemed to be cut from the same cloth. I wondered what school they all go to. That’s when someone mentioned the “service crew” to which they were all directly or indirectly related.
Rashtra Seva Dal (RSD, or simply Seva Dal). Founded in 1941 by socialists who were still within the Congress, the RSD was a youth volunteer organization, committed to nationalism, socialism, democracy, secularism and rationalism. Although the RSS was not formed in response, it was politically insignificant, but the opposite was evident. However, they have one thing in common. Like the RSS, the Seva Dal also focused on organizing teenagers and young adults through a routine of daily “shakhas” where groups of local youth gathered for sports, physical training, cultural activities and ideological discussions. After independence, the RSD broke away from the Congress and worked closely with the socialist parties without being a vanguard organization. Pandurang Sadashiv Sane (1899-1949) or simply Sane (pronounced sa-ne) Guruji, was an iconic figure in Maharashtra during the first decade of the Seva Dal. The song I heard for the first time at that convention – Khara Tehi Ekchi Dharma / Jagala Prem Arpave – was written by Sane Guruji. Indeed, the song Sanjeev Sane was named after him.
It is difficult to place Sane Guruji in a simple category like a socialist leader. A faceless creative worker, an inimitable organizer, a fearless protester against injustice of any kind, Sane Guruji was at the same time a Gandhian, a nationalist, a socialist and a saint. His fiery speeches inspired the youth and his writings – especially the book Shyamchi I about his mother – have shaped the sensibilities of generations of Maharashtrians. His book Indian Culture offers a profound appreciation of Indian culture as an ever-dissolving quest for renewal (Navinata ki Kshanbhangur Vritti). Rejecting all forms of superstition and bigotry, he is based on Advaita philosophy which rejects discrimination or discrimination on the basis of sect or faith, caste or gender.
Along with 82 other organizations and under the leadership of its current president Nitin Vaidya, the RSD recently concluded the “Sane Guruji 125 Abhiyan”, a year-long celebration of his 125th birth anniversary. Over the years I have seen how wide and deep the footprint of the Seva Dal is in the progressive or progressive politics of Maharashtra. It gave birth to several organizations like Vidyarthi Bharati, Samajwadi Mahila Sabha, Muslim Satyashodhak Samaj, Samajwadi Adhyapak Sabha, Inter-Bharti apart from Seva Pathak for promoting bonds between Indian languages and for creative work. Organizations like SM Joshi Samajwadi Pratishthan and Sane Guruji Memorial Trust are working to keep this legacy alive.
Many well-known leaders from all walks of public life in Maharashtra belong to the RSD. These include political leaders like SM Joshi, Mrinal Gore, Madhu Dandavate and Bapu Kaldate, social activists like Sudha Varde, Pramila Dandavate, Narendra Dabholkar, Hamid Dalwai, Baba Adhaav and Medha Patkar, theater and film personalities like Sriram Lagu, Nilu Phule and Smita. . Patil and intellectuals like Acharya Javadekar and Ganesh Devi. Public life in Maharashtra would have been much poorer without the indigenous organizations, movements and journals associated with the RSD besides thousands of activists, professionals, writers, teachers, journalists. They have become a bulwark to defend constitutional values and democratic institutions in the face of relentless attacks by the RSS-BJP.
The RSD today does not have the power and status it enjoyed in the first two decades of its existence. Yet it provides a model for the deep politics needed to reclaim our constitutional republic. One thing is clear: the current disintegration of the republic cannot be stopped by electoral opposition to the BJP alone. We need deep politics which includes political education of citizens, cultivation of constitutional values in the younger generation, creative framing of issues and agendas, grooming of political activists and leaders and to rebuild this imaginary community called India. what is this
Rashtra Seva Dal has done it. This is what we lack today.
The lesson of the Seva Dal model is not difficult to see. First, we need to target not only the youth, but also the school going teenagers. Second, the focus should be on character building activities through sports and culture rather than on politics in a narrow sense. Third, any attempt to cultivate constitutional values and ideals of a socialist and secular republic should be linked to positive nationalism, strong regional culture and the ethos of our civilization. Fourth, the struggle or struggle against injustice should be connected with construction, creative work. And fifth, when meddling in the arena of electoral politics and state power, it is better to keep an arm’s length from any political party with this deep politics.
To be sure, RSD is not the only model of its kind. We have taken initiatives across the country: Dravida Kazhagam, Kerala Sahitya Parishad, Karnataka State Rayatha Sangh, Dalit Sangharsh Samiti in Karnataka, All Assam Vidyarthi Sangh, Chhattisgarh Mukti Morcha, Chhatra Yuva Sangharsh Vahini, Bharatiya Janata Morcha, Madhma Jayesh. State, Equality Organization and Backward and Minority Community Employees’ Federation. Most of these experiments had a very short creative life, although many of these institutions still exist today. They testify to the need, and indeed the possibility, of establishing deep politics across the country. When we lament the lack of civic engagement among young people, blame them for political apathy, or marvel at their acquiescence in political bigotry, we must ask ourselves: Have we built institutions that cultivate constitutional values? Where are study circles in their contemporary incarnation? Who is pulling the youth to creative work? Who connects their daily problems and concerns with big politics? The problem is not with them, but with us. We have a model. The point is to act before it’s too late. Here is a challenge, a life mission, awaiting the little Gurujis of our time.
The author is a member of Swaraj Bharat and National Coordinator of Bharat Jodo Abhiyan. Views are personal
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