December 14, 2024 15:00 IST
First published: December 14, 2024 at 15:00 IST
2024 saw the race between platforms intensify to offer the shortest possible delivery time, with Zomato-acquired BlinkIt and competitor Zepto announcing 10-minute food delivery apps in the same week. This is what Swiggy announced in October of its 10 minute variant Bolt. Nor is this rapid commerce strategy limited to food delivery platforms; In December, Amazon India confirmed its entry into the race with a new service for delivery of goods within 15 minutes.
This intensity comes with reports of worrisome practices from some of these platforms. In June, Telangana’s Food Safety Commission raided BlinkIt’s warehouse and reported lack of basic hygiene, contaminated food items, and food managers lacking medical fitness and food safety certificates. Zepto, in particular, has been under the media scanner this year, with a customer finding insects in February, and a severed human finger in June. Zepto’s issues are not limited to food safety in its inventory, equally so are its work practices. In December, a Reddit post alleged that Zepto Employees were made to work in 14-hour shiftsSome meetings are scheduled as late as 2 p.m. The post alleged that overworked technology workers resorted to substance abuse to stay awake, and alleged heavy attrition rates. Following the post, Zepto’s CEO insisted on social media that he had nothing against “work-life balance” without addressing specific allegations.
Issues with Zepto’s labor practices, of course, are not limited to its formal employees but extend to its informal employees, the so-called “distribution partners.” In August, a man called Dinesh from Hyderabad joined Zepto as a delivery partner, and documented his experiences, observations and insights on social media. His observations revealed a common but deeply concerning trend in gig work: disparity in income, workplace inadequacies such as lack of seating and water facilities, technical difficulties, and the randomness of algorithmic management.
The incidents at Zepto are symptomatic of acute exploitation, which is exacerbated when wage work is placed outside the scope of labor regulation, as is the case with gig work at platform companies in India. Without regulation, there is no incentive, let alone accountability, for “work-life balance,” which is ultimately not a question of work culture but of economics: How much exploitation can a company avoid? Since the state fails to recognize a formal employee-employer relationship, this negotiation is not on the agenda for the benefit of companies.
Gig worker rights advocates started the year with cautious optimism, on the heels of the landmark Rajasthan platform-based Gig Workers (Registration and Welfare) Act. As many observers, including ourselves, pointed out in a previous article — the law’s lack of recognition of employer-employee relationships between platform companies and gig workers had fundamental flaws, but its hypothetical rules held the potential for minimal regulatory oversight. More than a year has passed since the defeat of the Rajasthan Congress, which effectively scuttled the law, and these rules to bring the law into operation have yet to be made. The general election was another moment for regulatory debate, this time at the central level, with gig activists finding mention in party manifestos such as the Indian National Congress and CP(M), which promised regulations, and the BJP, which kept its limits. Promise to include gig workers in eShram portal.
Karnataka’s Congress government released a draft bill for public comments, largely modeled on the Rajasthan Social Security Act for gig workers, but with some substantive changes that could provide workers with avenues for redress in the event of unfair termination, health and safety violations. and other complaints. However, after a strong push from platform companies, the bill failed to be tabled in the monsoon session of the state assembly. There is no indication that it will be discussed in this month’s winter session.
A similar bill released for comments in Jharkhand is yet to be tabled in the assembly. The Telangana Gig and Platform Workers Union continues to press the Telangana Congress to fulfill its election promises of legislation for the rights of gig workers, but no draft bills have been made public so far. Although the regulatory discourses at the state level are limited to discussions about the Tripartite Welfare Board and the Social Security Act, the Union Ministry of Labor and Employment has further limited the scope of discussions on the Ishram Portal and the Social Security Code at the federal level. , ministry sources reiterated that gig workers are outside the “traditional employer-employee relationship.”
2024 saw an increasing number of platform companies risking the lives of workers to complete deliveries in the shortest possible time, reports of human rights abuses in Amazon warehouses, and women gig workers starting a digital strike on Diwali protesting unfair terminations and making clear demands for labor. Regulation. Three major survey reports released this year, Prisoners on Wheels, The Rights Survey, and The Effects of Extreme Heat on Gig Workers, empirically reveal that the worst stories of gig worker exploitation are common. Lack of political will and subservience to business lobbyists have made this year a year of empty promises and negotiations on minimum rights, even as it becomes increasingly clear that the exploitative spiral of the gig economy can only be addressed by legal recognition of workers. ‘ Employment by platform companies and substantive regulation.
Zaidi is an MA student at Simon Fraser University’s School of Communication in Canada. Guha is an assistant professor at the Ashank Desai Center for Policy Studies at IIT.
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